Superclass Author and Kissinger Protégé, Rothkopf, Predicted the Rise of Trump a Decade Ago
By Steven MacMillan/The Analyst Report: 4 April, 2018
The world has experienced numerous political earthquakes in recent years, as a wave of nationalism has swept across many countries. From the rise of Donald Trump in the US, to the vote for Brexit in the UK, these political events can be interpreted as being a deathblow to the internationalist forces who are building a globally interdependent world order.
In particular, Trump’s nationalist rhetoric (summed up by his slogan: “Make America Great Again”) and the return to a form of protectionism (which includes the imposition of tariffs on steel and aluminium imports) can be seen as a rejection of the globalist position, and a return to nationalism. This line of argument states that the return of nationalism and protectionism are events completely unforeseen by these internationalist forces, and therefore, this nationalist wave serves to derail their agenda for a new global order.
The reality however is more complex and nuanced. Exactly who Trump represents and ultimately serves is a bone of contention for many still, yet if we put this to one side for a moment, it is clear that these internationalist forces expected spurts of nationalism and protectionism to arise as part of the transitional nature of this century regardless.
Rothkopf Predicted Nationalist “Spasms” a Decade Ago
In a book first published in 2008 (although quotes sighted below are from an edition published in 2009 – see notes) titled Superclass: How the Rich Ruined our World, David Rothkopf lifts the lid on the workings of the emerging global superclass, with some of his predictions surprisingly prescient considering the political ‘earthquakes’ that have taken place in recent years.
Rothkopf is a visiting professor at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a member of the internationalist think tank the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), the former editor of the FP (Foreign Policy) Group, a former Managing Director of Kissinger Associates – the advisory firm founded by former U.S. Secretary of State, Henry A. Kissinger, in addition to serving as the Deputy Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade Policy in the Clinton administration. Needless to say, Rothkopf has been, and still is, an extremely connected individual, who has a unique vantage point when it comes to analysing global affairs and predicting future political trends.
In his concluding remarks to the book, Rothkopf begins by documenting the transition that has occurred (and continues to occur), as power shifts from national actors to global rivals:
“In past eras, most elites were national and their support could dictate the future of princes and prime ministers, the fate of coalitions within their borders, the rise and fall of individuals and initiatives that had a domestic power base. But the center of gravity of elites has shifted. Today, the most powerful elites are global citizens tied more to international finance than national politics… If the richest and most powerful individuals in the world are now predominantly globally oriented, globally dependent, globally active, then an important shift has taken place in the world’s balance of power – away from national governments and away from national interests narrowly defined… Globalization is not just some kind of fad or geopolitical flavor of the month. In every one of the clusters we have examined, it becomes clear that the most powerful are the most global.”[1]
Rothkopf continues, predicting that as this transitional process continues, there is a high probability of a return to “protectionism” and “reactionary nationalism,” but ultimately, these moves should be interpreted as “transitional spasms” or “growing pains” as the new global order emerges:
“National elites remain. But for the most part, on most issues, they are trumped by the scale, resources, networks, and power of their more globally oriented rivals. Tensions remain between the two, and the national elites have traditional and cultural ballast to help them hold their ground. But the handwriting is on the wall. Protectionism or reactionary nationalism may reassert itself, perhaps with devastating consequences, perhaps for decades to come. But it is likely that these reactions will be seen as transitional spasms, growing pains, as people struggle to come to grips with the redefinition of core ideas like sovereignty, community, identity, local, and foreign. To a large extent it is up to the global power elites themselves to determine how long and how destructive those spasms will be.”[2]
Trump: A Faux Champion of the People?
Considering Rothkopf’s remarks, it is imperative that we ask the following question: who does Trump actually serve? Months before Trump was elected President, I documented the establishment links Trump clearly had, despite his anti-establishment rhetoric. Is it at least plausible that Trump’s presidency is designed to serve as somewhat of a relief valve for those ‘old’ ideas of sovereignty and nationalism, with the elite providing the people with a faux champion in order to release pressure and ease the impact of the great transition from a national to a global system?
Let’s not forget, Trump has stated himself that he is “a nationalist and a globalist.” Trump has also frequently meet with Kissinger during his campaign and presidency, an individual who can be considered a key member of the global superclass. Trump’s time in office may in fact serve as a form of a bridge, designed to ease the tectonic transition by appealing to those who have been left behind by the process of globalization, with this spurt of nationalism also helpful in mobilising the US population for yet more wars in the Middle East and other theatres of war, especially considering that the hawkish neoconservative, John Bolton, is set to become Trump’s new National Security Advisor.
Many of Trump’s nationalist policies that have been implemented during his short time in office can be seen as moves designed to appease some of his supporters who believed in his rhetoric and felt ignored by the political system, as opposed to being a reflection of the ideological purity of Trump himself. It should be remembered that Trump has hinted that some of his major nationalist moves may only be temporary. Speaking from the World Economic Forum in Davos at the end of January for instance, Trump said he would be willing to consider rejoining the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade deal if the terms improved. Additionally, in the same month, Trump signalled that he would be willing to sign the US back up to the Paris climate agreement if the treaty is modified.
A year or so from now, Trump may in fact sign the US back into these internationalist treaties, being the first to claim that his expertise in dealmaking meant that he turned bad deals into good deals for the American people.We may never know the gospel truth about Trump, yet the explanation above should at least be considered.
What is not debatable however, is the fact that the world is, and has been for decades, hurling through a major transition, towards a more globally integrated system.In closing, I will leave you with a quote from a report published by the Club of Rome in 1991, which was titled The First Global Revolution:
“The topic of research from recent Club of Rome meetings has been ‘The Great Transition.’ We are convinced that we are in the early stages of the formation of a new type of world society, which will be as different from today’s as was that of the world ushered in by the Industrial Revolution from the society of the long agrarian period that preceded it. The initial, but by no means only motor force of this change has been the emergence of a cluster of advanced technologies, especially those made possible by microelectronics and the new discoveries of molecular biology. These are creating what is variously called the information society, the postindustrial society or the service society, in which employment, life-style and prospects, material and otherwise, will be very different from those of today for every inhabitant.”[3]
Notes:
[1] Rothkopf, D. (2009) Superclass: How the Rich Ruined our World (London, Abacus) p.320.
[2] Ibid. p.321.
[3] King, A., & Schneider, B. (1991) The First Global Revolution: A Report by the Council of the Club of Rome (New York, Pantheon Books) p.xix-xx.
Steven MacMillan is a freelance writer and editor of The Analyst Report.
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